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6 • CHAPTER 4 October
August was the month when Father John Scott, S.J. celebrated his 75th anniversary in the Jesuits. Many notes came our way. We think this one from Pat Mower is very nice.
Father Scott was my personal counselor while I spent my four years at our esteemed institution. As a matter of fact it was he who first introduced my mother and I to the campus in that summer of 1961 when I had been accepted to Campion and was invited by Fr. Frank "Fat Frank" Carey, SJ, to come visit and become acquainted with our beautiful campus. He took us around to all the buildings, explaining things that I never remembered.
Tom Olson, on his vary comprehensive website has a link to a page where you might send your greetings to Father Scott. (CAMPION-KNIGHTS.ORG) Or by the USPS — his address is 10100 W. Bluemound Rd. / Wauwatosa, WI 53226
Our semester ended recently, and so I have some time to catch up on reading materials I had stacked up on the comer of my desk. As always I was delighted to read Campion Forever to see the progress of former Campion students and teachers. I graduated from Campion in 1952 and entered the Jesuits. I taught history at Campion 1961-62. For the last 35 years I have been teaching history at Marquette University. In the last decade my research has been mainly on the early Jesuits and has produced three books. I enclose copies of the title pages from the first two. The third [I enclose an ad for it] should be out very soon--it includes a picture of Campion and reprints his Challenge or Brag--his offer to debate theology with any advocates of the Anglican church--which he did shortly before his martyrdom. I am enjoying good health and still teaching a full load. I am working on what will be my 17th book.
(signed) Pat Donnelly, S.J.
Our regular contributor, Paul McCullough sends us a couple of Campionette articles:
Vol. 54, No.10
Campion's Student Congress is faced with many of the problems that confront Campion as a who1e, among these are financial difficulties, feuds among the students, and student-administration conflicts. These difficulties were quite evident at the March 10th meeting of the Congress. The financial plight of the Congress has steadily worsened, creating a debt over three hundred dollars. To alleviate this problem John Spellman established a Ways and Means committee headed by Brian O'Malley, stating, "his job is to get us or to keep us, solvent." All projects which have the potential to obtain - or to lose - must be cleared through Brian, who seems to have absolute control over such ventures. Such control is likely to be contested soon, probably by the Social Committee, which stands to lose the most if the purse strings are tightened. Whether the Congress can appropriate funds over O'Malley's veto remains to be seen. Since his power is from the Central Committee, this could become a crucial issue determining the actual power structure of the Congress.
Student feuds are another of the problems facing the Congress. Whether resulting from personality clashes or policy clashes, these conflicts weaken the Student Congress, and will make it more ineffectual than it is. What makes the problem look really ridiculous are incidents such as the one between John Spellman and Gerry Nora. John sent Gerry back to the hall for a tie to meet Congress dress rules. Gerry remarked, "John, should we get haircuts too?" before walking out. He didn't return.
Unfortunately, not all the conflicts are as easy to avoid and obviously trite. Len Chojnacki and John Spellman seem always opposed, especially on matters dealing with Len's Social Committee. Len wants ultimate control over his committee, even with regard to finance. John must be opposed to this idea if he is to maintain the patchwork unity that the Student Congress now has. Regrettably, John has paved the way for greater friction by putting Brian O'Malley over Len with regard to finances. Such a situation may help to destroy the most functional committee in the Congress.
The problems in student-administration relations were partially revealed when Fr. Hilbert appeared before the Congress. The March 10th meeting saw Dennis Farrell at war with Mr. Thon. The topic was teachers smoking in Campion Hall. Denny and others wished to prosecute Fr. Aspenleiter and others for smoking outside designated areas while not knowing what areas those were since the Student Congress had set up one group and the faculty another. Mr. Thon set him right with "Dennis, you don't know the facts." Dan Hespen joined Denny's side while Bob Holland tried to point out that this was a petty argument. Then Denny stated why he wanted Fr. A. before the Congress and also pointed out how deep the rift is: "Because I can't get the facts out of those guys."
A student-student gap might be developing too. John Spellman postponed discussion on Student Life until a meeting Friday at seven. The meeting was called off without notifying everyone.
The problems are there. But hope that those problems can be solved also exists. The Congress is effective, but it can be much more effective if its members are willing to put aside personal interests and grudges to work for the good of the Congress and the school, not themselves.
— MICHAEL BETLACH
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Vol. 54 No. 10
I would like to apologize to the readers of the 'ette for allowing the slanted views expressed in the 'ette on Student Body Congress to go unrefuted. I did not realize at the time that the 'ette because of its documentary form tends to have historical rather than an informative role.
A short resume of Student Government
1. Student Government is to facilitate the growth of students involved. It is an outlet for student leadership.
2. This year we were handicapped by size - no one argued that. The decision we made in October was to try to work with the greater number (due to ours being a transition year) instead of running the risk of splitting the Senior Class.
3. Our record is an impressive one. We were able to bring about many changes. Our greatest accomplishments are those things we left in embryonic stages.
4. I have been on the Congress for four years. I have listened to talks on subjects from toast in the dining hall to students on the board of dismissal. If any can say we failed this year it was not due to missing the issues as we have been accused of doing. Our fault was we hit the issues head on and far too bluntly for the soft stomachs of many students (whose bellows you may have read) and faculty members.*
5. For those who worked on the Congress, you deserve a great thanks from all. For those that didn't, you have wasted your time and the time of others.
* Students on the Board of Dismissal, forthcoming teacher evaluation, policy changes on student transportation due to the hearse, Active Student Life Committee, Academic trips, state-wide clothing drive. For the accomplishments of the Congress, we must thank individual members. Many have shown outstanding leadership.
— JOHN SPELLMAN
— And I’m told that the inmates did not run the asylum!
I want to share this story about our coach Hoffman and Dave Doyle ‘47. As you know Dave was a great practical joker and Coach Hoffman wore a hearing aid and we used to call him Box Hoffman.
Well, Dave would go up to the coach and start a very animated conversation with whispers. As soon as coach Box would begin to turn up the volume, Dave would begin to increase his volume from a whisper to a shout, gradually, so that as the shouts began coach Box would have his ear drums pierced and then have to turn his box down. Dave would then run like hell but the Box would get him later on the practice field. Lots of turns around the field.
It was a riot to watch. Maybe you had a chance to see it too.
Received this, with great sadness....
We are asked to remember in our prayers, Fr. Thomas A. Hoffman, S.J., who passed away at 7:30 this morning (May 23) at the Creighton University Medical Center in Omaha, NE. Fr. Hoffman, a Golden Jubilarian this year, turned 81 yesterday and would have celebrated his fiftieth year of ordination as a priest on June 20th. He was taken to the hospital yesterday suffering from a heart attack. Thomas Anthony Hoffman was born and raised in Milwaukee. He was one of the many vocations to the Society to come from St. Sebastian's Parish. After graduating from Marquette High School in 1943, he entered the novitiate at St. Stanislaus in Florissant, MO. His early studies in formation were in Latin, speech, history and theology. He received an MA in theology from Marquette University in 1969 and an S.T.D. from the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome in 1976. Fr. Tom taught classics at Creighton Prep (regency years) and religion/history at Campion High School in Prairie du Chien, WI before being assigned as a speech and religion teacher at the Juniorate in St. Bonifacius, MN. When the novitiate was moved to St. Paul, MN in 1970, Fr. Hoffman was assigned to the Theology Department at Creighton University where he has taught and worked as an assistant to the department chair for the past thirty-five years.
There will be a Visitation on Friday, May 26 from 8:30 a.m. until 10:30 a.m. at St. John's Church on the campus of Creighton University. A Funeral Mass will begin at 10:30 a.m. Fr. Hoffman donated his body to the Anatomical Board of the State of Nebraska so there will be no burial at this time. Letters of condolences can be sent to:
THE JESUITS THAT WE DO NOT KNOW
The recent novel by Dan Brown, The DAVINCI CODE, raised a lot of eyebrows. Especially in regard to the OPUS DEI. It sent me a-googling to learn a bit about this outfit. In doing so I also found references to the Jesuit order. According to several sources, the Jebs of old ruled the Catholic Faith with an iron hand. They directed the Pope’s movements and were, indeed, his soldiers and, later, his commander.
The Jesuits are implicated in the assassinations of such as Abraham Lincoln and Jack Kennedy, the sinking of the Titanic, 9 / 11, the Oklahoma City bombing and many other nasty events. (Lincoln quote:
“So many plots have already been made against my life, that it is a real miracle that they have all failed, when we consider that the great majority of them were in the hands of the skillful Roman Catholic murderers, evidently trained by Jesuits. But can we expect that God will make a perpetual miracle to save my life? I believe not. The Jesuits are so expert in those deeds of blood that Henry IV said it was impossible to escape them, and he became their victim, though he did all that could be done to protect himself.”) Here is one of several instructions to the young Jesuits in regard to how to handle wealthy widows: “If any widow does in her life-time make over her whole estate to the Society; whenever opportunity offers, but especially when she is seized with sickness, or in danger of life, let some take care to represent to her the poverty of the greatest number of our colleges, whereof many just erected have hardly as yet any foundation; engage her, by a winning behavior and inducing arguments, to such a liberality as (you must persuade her) will lay a certain foundation for her eternal happiness.”
Several weeks ago we sent copies of this material to several Jesuit historians at the archives in St. Louis as well as in Milwaukee, asking for comment on these issues. I have not heard a peep from anyone.
Don’t know what this means…..judge for yourselves.
Feeling that there would be an interest in these documents, we plan on printing several copies and offer them to you Jesuit trained folks. As usual, we plan on using them as a fund raising effort to help with expenses. Included will be the book of 12 chapters on the Jesuits, as well as a very interesting FAQ on Opus Dei. If you will send us $17.50 we will mail you a set of each of these documents. We hope to offer more of the same as time passes. They are eye-openers and a bit frightening.
Follows: FDR’s speech (“The Four Freedoms”) to the congress in January, 1941. I can hear the old guy now. The insert is a Rockwell painting a couple of years later to honor that speech.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word "unprecedented" because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars' worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called "new order" of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
From Deeds Fletcher ’57:
Here is a quick rundown - - - After CHS, on to Regis and St Louis U. Married 1961 — 6 children, (1 boy) 15 grandchildren, 41 years municipal bond trader. Retired in 2000. Keep very busy with above offspring. Spend time at family cottage on Lake Huron in Bayfield, Ontario. Only jugs now originate with wife, Faith. Sailboat also named Faith. So we are and will always be “Deeds and Faith”.
FEBRUARY REUNION UPDATE
We have a few hotel reservations made. I know we sent the announcement earlier than usual, this because we have had to pay a rather large deposit to the hotel for a down-payment on our food and the banquet hall. We have coughed up $1,000 so far and need your help here, as more will be expected in a month. If you plan to come, please do not hesitate to send us the food cost. In it is buried the banquet room deposit for each of you. Hey, you forty-seveners - - - this will no doubt be the last major reunion many of us will enjoy. Something about the aging process. We have a private dining room all set for the Friday evening of the affair. I am sure that this will be a swell party that will be a memorable one. I know we like to hold onto our cash as long as we can, but on occasion must make an exception. This, we hope, is such an exception.
Our wish is to see a big crowd in Melbourne in February.
DO YOU EVER GET THAT FUNNY FEELING…
See y’all next time………Aaron Huguenard ‘47